For Muslims, graveyards become an election issue

By Danish Ahmad Khan

Come elections – whether parliamentary of assembly – Muslims in India firm up their girdles and become ready to rake up their pet issues such as Babri Masjid, Gujarat riots, status of Urdu etc. This time even graveyards have become election issue, particularly in a Delhi parliamentary constituency, if not elsewhere. Members of Muslim community are up in arms over the issue of graveyard in Northeast Delhi parliamentary constituency from where Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) has fielded Haji Dilshad Ali as the party candidate for upcoming general elections. A decrepit Muslim graveyard for the Mustafabad, Kabir Nagar and Babarpur area will be at the top of agenda during electioneering. Locals in the areas complain that there is no boundary wall around the graveyard. Heaps of garbage can be seen strewn and street dogs loitering and sniffing around the graves looking for human remains. Sometimes the problem is such that the dogs in fact succeed in taking out the bones and skulls from the graves and feast on them. The leftovers keep rotting for days thus creating bad odour and polluting the environment. The issue has therefore become quite emotional and sensitive for local Muslims and the BSP candidate is also ready to cash upon this and use it extensively in his campaign. It may be recalled that Haji Dilshad Ali had contested the Delhi assembly elections from Babarpur constituency on BSP ticket last year and succeeded in getting 28,000 votes. During the upcoming parliamentary elections, the BSP has emerged as the only party in Delhi to provide tickets to three Muslim candidates namely Haji Yunus from East Delhi constituency, Haji Dilshad Ali from Northeast Delhi constituency and Mustakeem Ahmed (Billo) from the Chandni Chowk Lok Sabha constituency.

If one goes by what Delhi Wakf Board officials say the scarcity of graveyards is indeed a real problem for the Muslim community in India’s capital. Caretaker of Delhi Wakf Board’s mosques and graveyards Mehfooz Mohammad said, “At least 10 more graveyards are required now all over Delhi. Only a handful of them are operational today. Many of the graveyards have also been illegally occupied and litigation is underway to get the land back.” According to the 1970 gazette notification, 488 Muslim graveyards exist in Delhi. However, as of now there are only 25-30 graveyards that are actually operational. The gravity of the problem which Muslim community is facing insofar as graveyards are concerned can be really assessed by the available data. Another problem of the scarcity of graveyards are some members of the Muslim community themselves. According to the Shariah (Islamic law), Muslims are enjoined to make kuchha (temporary) graves in order to facilitate more burials in a particular grave. However, quite on the contrary, some members of the Muslim community openly defy the Shariah and make permanent concrete graves for their deceased kins. They also even go to the extent of erecting tombstones thus making it difficult to bury in layers. This leads to the space shortage in graveyards hence making the problem more severe.

It is not only India’s capital Delhi which is facing the problem of the scarcity of graveyards. Another metropolis Kolkata, the capital of the state of West Bengal, is also facing the same problem. Here the situation is equally grave. According to a report in Indian Express tension erupted in Paharpur under the Garden Reach police station area on 24 March 2009 after caretaker of a Muslim graveyard was found incinerating decomposed bodies to make room for new bodies. The locals, who arrived for the burial of a body around 3 pm, said that they smelt something burning inside the graveyard. Much to their dismay they found that some bones and skulls were found burning lying in a mound of dry grass and leaves. Later over 2,000 locals gathered at the graveyard and tried to beat the caretaker Sheikh Jumman. One of the residents alleged that the graveyard caretaker Sheikh Jumman and his assistant Sheikh Jiauddin resorted to the practice of setting the bodies on fire only to make room for more bodies so that they could earn more money. The residents complained that the graveyard had a severe shortage of space since the ground had been full for the last one year. However, the police arrived on the scene and succeeded in defusing the tension after taking the two accused into police custody.

Elsewhere in the country, even the indigenous Muslims in the northeastern state of Nagaland are also facing problems related to graveyard. Here, however, the problem is of a different kind. According to the indigenous Muslims of Purana Bazar and Naharbari villages of East Dimapur the oldest graveyard is in a pitiable state. The indigenous Muslims of these two villages had acquired the graveyard at Naharbari village in 1857. This oldest graveyard has however now turned into a garbage dump for the area. The complaint being that waste from households are being continuously dumped here thus creating a highly unhygienic environment, facilitating the breeding of mosquitoes and other insects and spreading pollution. The Muslim Committee of Purana Bazar and Naharbari on their initiative conducted a mass social work to dispose off the waste recently. They also urged the residents of the houses surrounding the graveyard not to throw any garbage there since it would hurt the religious sentiments of the Muslim community. They also explained to the residents that the graveyard is the most holy place for the believers.

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Urdu becomes poll issue again. But, will it deliver good to Muslims?

By Danish Ahmad Khan
 

With parliamentary elections round the corner, Muslim politicians become active and start raising emotive issues with a vengeance. This time round the language of Urdu is again threatening to become a poll issue at least in a couple of Indian states. Recently, representatives of various Muslim organisations under the banner of Anjuman Taraqqui Urdu (Hindi) staged a demonstration in Kolkata to press for their demand seeking second official language status for Urdu in four subdivisions of Kolkata, Garden Reach, Asansol and Islampur in the state of West Bengal. The four subdivisions where Muslim organisations want Urdu to be declared as an official language have nearly 20 per cent Urdu speaking minority population. Presently, there are about 100 Urdu medium schools in the state. "Once Urdu is declared as an official state language then our children will have the opportunity to pursue their studies from primary to Masters level in one language. The students will be able take any state-level competitive examination in Urdu and this will open a number of employment opportunities for them. We want an Act to be passed in the Assembly declaring Urdu as the official state language. If our demand is not met then its effect will be seen in the elections. There are more than 60 Assembly seats where minorities play significant role during elections," said Mohammad Sulaiman Khurshid, general secretary, Anjuman Taraqqui Urdu (Hindi). Besides declaring Urdu as an official language, Muslim organisations also want question papers of every subject in Madhyamik (matriculation) examinations to be printed in Urdu. Earlier, the state government had promised to recognise Urdu as an official state language in the form of a Chief Secretary Executive order in 1981. However, no initiative has been taken in this regard ever since. The move has come at a time when Left Front government in the state is struggling to keep its minority votes intact. Besides West Bengal, Urdu also remains an emotional issue for Muslims in the states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Muslims in these two states rue the step-motherly treatment being meted out to Urdu and have threatened to vent out their anger during ensuing polls.

Urdu – Demography & Scope


As it is now in independent India Urdu is widely perceived to be a language that remains exclusive preserve of the Muslim population. However, defying the popular notion Urdu is only spoken in tiny enclaves across a handful states of India. A report by M.A. Siraj published in Deccan Herald (15 September 2007) cites the latest Language Atlas of India published by the Registrar General and Census Commissioner which undertook a special exercise that cross tabulated the Urdu and Muslim population in the country. The report says: “The significant aspect of the outcome of the exercise is the fact that only a little half of Muslims (i.e. 51.5 percent) residing in Uttar Pradesh have recorded Urdu as their mother tongue. In the case of Bihar, this proportion is about 66.8 percent. In contrast, a vastly preponderant majority of Muslims living in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Maharashtra have registered Urdu as their mother tongue. Other states where proportion of Urdu speakers among Muslims is significant are Tamil Nadu, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh.” The report further adds: “To sum up the position of Urdu vis-à-vis Muslims, it would be sufficient to point out that while there were 101.5 million Muslims in India (1991 Census which excludes Jammu and Kashmir), 42.72 percent recorded Urdu to be their mother tongue. This is to say that less than half of Indian Muslims speak or use Urdu.”

Providing details about the linguistic composition of Muslims in India, the Language Atlas of India points out that at least is three more states – Kerala, Assam and West Bengal – Muslims make up a good chunk of population. In Kerala there are 23 percent Muslims, Assam 28.43 percent and West Bengal has 23.61 percent. However, in contrast Urdu-speaking Muslims are merely 0.19 percent, 0.06 percent and 9.05 percent respectively in these three states. In states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Haryana the proportion of Urdu-speaking Muslims constitute 27 percent, 37.40 percent and 34 percent respectively.

With the available data at hand at least one thing can be said that Urdu remains greatly confined to the Muslims of north India. In south Indian states like Tamil Nadu and Kerala Muslims are least concerned about Urdu and give more preference to their respective regional languages i.e. Tamil and Malayalam. The scope of the development of Urdu and its speakers therefore also remains quite limited.

Urdu and Muslim identity
 
The association of Urdu with the religious identity of Muslims dates back to the days of struggle for India's independence. With an eye on establishing British rule in India, the East India Company upon setting its foot started exercising executive power on behalf of titular Mughul sovereign and abolished Persian from official use and replaced it with English and native vernaculars through a decree in 1837. Urdu, which already had established its dominating position over local vernaculars, was however accepted and retained as lingua franca in northern India by the East India Company. Urdu was also allowed to remain the language of courts in northern India. The imposition of Urdu was however opposed by the Hindu masses who demanded that the vernacular of northern India Hindi be accorded the official language status. The Muslim elite, to whom Urdu was confined as the lingua franca, vehemently opposed the official status demand for Hindi. This gave birth to Hindi-Urdu controversy which gradually acquired communal overtones over the years.

The two-nation theory propounded by renowned poet Mohammad Iqbal brought Urdu to the centrestage of Muslim politics. The then Muslim League leadership politicized Urdu and exploited it to the hilt. Prominent Muslim League leader and founder of Islamic Republic of Pakistan Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who could not even write his own name in Urdu, included it in his famous fourteen points and cynically used it as a tool to forge a Muslim identity. Jinnah exploited Urdu to widen the gap of cultural divide between Hindus and Muslims though he could not speak a word of Urdu. The Muslim League at the height of its partition demand repudiated the slogan 'Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan' with 'Urdu-Muslim-Pakistan'.

Later after partition and India’s independence, the founder of the Aligarh movement Sir Syed Ahmad Khan called for the adoption of Urdu as the language of Indian Muslims. The move also won considerable support from Muslim religious activists of the Deobandi and Wahabbi schools. Organisations like the Urdu Defence Association and Anjuman Taraqqi-i-Urdu were formed to advocate the cause of Urdu. Muslim religious leaders such as Maulana Mohammad Ali, Maulana Shaukat Ali and Maulana Maududi emphasised the knowledge of Urdu as essential for ordinary and religious Muslims. Even Muslim political and social organisations like the All India Muslim League and the Jamaat-e-Islami projected Urdu as essential for the political and cultural survival of Muslim society in India. Shibli Nomani made extensive efforts resulting in the adoption of Urdu as the official language of the Hyderabad State and as the medium of instruction in the Osmania University. Nomani's campaign drew widespread criticism for making the use of Urdu as a political issue that further deepened the divide between Muslims and Hindus. Notwithstanding, Urdu has today become an integral part of political identity and cultural separatism for Muslims in northern and western India.

Role of Urdu

The language of Urdu took birth in India with the advent of Mughal conquerors. Urdu emerged as a synthesis of Khari Boli (Hindi), Braj Bhasha Rajasthani and Punjabi with some Persian and Arabic vocabulary. Being a socio-administrative requirement of Mughal conquerors, the Urdu language became lingua franca in course of time primarily for interaction between the Mughal soldiers and native dwellers. However, the gradual Persianisation and Arabisation of the Urdu language by Mughal conquerors to extend their hegemony over India started playing spoilsport and became the root cause of dividing the Indian society on purely religious lines. Natives viewed the move with suspicion and saw it an attempt to establish the cultural and linguistic hegemony in the region by the Mughal rulers. Native languages had Sanskrit origin and Nagari script, but the imposition of Urdu with Perso-Arabic script was vigorously opposed by the native dwellers. It can be said that the birth of Urdu created the first social division of the Indian society.

From the aspect of language and literature, Urdu is sweet in its essence. It is owing to the Urdu language that a vibrant slogan of 'Inquilab Zindabad' was coined during freedom struggle, and which played a crucial role in freeing India from British rule. However, on the other hand things have been gloomy insofar as social and political role of the Urdu language is concerned. The language of Urdu which was flagrantly used as a political tool by Muslim politicians to create a social and religious divide between Muslims and Hindus and ultimately played a nefarious role in the partition of India, however could not keep Muslims themselves together. After India's partition on two language-two nation theory, the Urdu-speaking Mohajirs in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan have been rendered to live under the subjugation of Punjabi-majority rule as second class citizens forever. Once during a visit to India, prominent Mohajir leader and MQM chief Altaf Hussain had to acknowledge and declare that the partition of India was the greatest blunder in human history. The situation with Urdu-speaking Bihari Muslims in Bangladesh is equally pitiable. Around 2.5 lakh Urdu-speaking Muslims have been suffering a worse fate and forced to live in 160 refugee camps under the supervision of the International Committee of Red Cross for over three decades. Only recently these Bihari Muslims accepted Bangladeshi citizenship and were registered as voters in 2008.

To date, the Urdu-speaking population in these three countries – India, Pakistan and Bangladesh – continues to face a crisis of identity. Urdu-speaking Muslims in northern and western India are still struggling for their identity as a majority of Hindus still refuse to forgive them for demanding the partition of India. In Pakistan, the Urdu-speaking Mohajirs continue to be nostalgic about their land of origin and therefore the local communities in the country are unwilling to forgive them for this. Similarly, for Bihari Muslims the existence is tough as Bangladeshis are not ready to forgive them for having opposed the struggle for liberation from West Pakistan. The language of Urdu also played a divisive role here since Muslims in Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) refused to accept the hegemony of West Pakistan and therefore the domination of Urdu language. This ultimately resulted in the partition of Pakistan itself on two language-two nation formula and a new nation of Bangladesh took birth.

What have Muslims gained from Urdu?
 
The biggest question one is forced to ask is that has the language of Urdu benefitted Muslims in any way at least in terms of employment opportunities with handsome earnings. For this big question the answer too is simply a big NO. The bitter truth is that privileged Muslims prefer to send their children to study in convents or missionary schools instead of Urdu-medium schools. And, why not? They already know the pitiable conditions that Urdu-medium schools are usually found in. Forget this. Even the champions that advocate the cause of Urdu and are occupying top positions in Urdu in various universities and government offices also prefer to send their children to study in English-medium schools.

Only the wards of Muslims below the poverty line are left with little choice and are forced to go to Urdu-medium schools. Even those Muslims who are slightly better off prefer to send their children to Hindi-medium schools instead of Urdu-medium schools. For them education in Hindi-medium schools mean better employment opportunities. One cannot overlook the fact that the bane of Urdu-medium schools is non-availability of teachers, particularly in Mathematics, English and Science subjects. Besides, Urdu-medium textbooks are not generally available in the market and has been a problem for ages. The problem is such grave that when the English and Hindi books of the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) are sent to the market, the translation of Urdu books begins and by the time the translation ends, either the session is over or the text is changed. In comparison to other schools, Urdu-medium schools neither promote nor inculcate extra-curricular activity to motivate students. I have rarely found a Parent-Teacher Association body existing in Urdu schools. As a corollary the rapport between the principals, parents, teachers and students is abysmally low. Also, in most of the Urdu-medium schools the principals and teachers are appointed hailing from an English or Hindi background thus resulting in a lacuna of understanding as also a language bias in day-to-day activities of the schools. A visit to Urdu-medium schools in India is a tell tale in itself. The ghettoized Urdu-medium schools have extremely poor infrastructure and environment – sparsely-lit dilapidated classrooms, poor sanitation facilities, broken and decrepit furniture, unhygienic drinking water or no water. The absence or co-curricular activities, lack of teachers, unconcerned parents and uninterested students are other remarkable features of Urdu-medium schools in India.

In terms of higher education, even if some concerned Muslims want to adopt Urdu medium for their studies one seldom finds Engineering, Medicine and Information Technology books in Urdu. This strictly limits the scope of the language itself and also those of its practitioners. Undoubtedly, the language of Urdu is known for its richness, sweetness and immense literary value. It has been kept alive by Hindi cinema, few Urdu radio and TV channels, the madrassas, the occasional recitation of couplets from Ghalib, Iqbal and Faiz in Parliament, and of course, the routine Mehfil-e-Shayari on the occasions of Independence Day and Republic Day. But it’s saddening that the language of Urdu doesn’t open up many avenues on the professional front.

Saving Urdu from politicians and Muslim radicals

The above facts make it obvious that the language of Urdu continues to be used as a political tool both in the hands of politicians and Muslim radicals. As part of planned conspiracy the Indian National Congress introduced Urdu as a medium of study utilizing Articles 14, 19 (1) (g), 24, 29 (2), 30 (1), 38, 39 (F), 41 and 61 of the Indian Constitution with an eye on Muslim votes. The nefarious move over the years pushed Muslims on the fringes and into the dark ages. Keeping in view the votebank politics, the state governments in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Delhi accorded Urdu the second official language status. The demand for making Urdu the second language status in four subdivisions of West Bengal is part of the gameplan of selfish, narrow-minded Muslim politicians to keep the community backward and always struggling for an honorable existence. Only a handful of Urdu knowing Muslims could succeed in getting low-paid government jobs. The motivation has not been such that even the people in these states have never been able to get emotionally attached to Urdu. The state governments occasionally sanction millions of rupees in the name of Urdu and uplift of minorities to Urdu promotion institutes like the Urdu Academies, Anjuman Taraqqui-e-Urdu, the National Council for Promotion of Urdu and State Minority Commissions. However, the move has proved futile and these institutions remain white elephants and left into the hands of corrupt administrators. The fate of Urdu and the minorities thus remains to be imagined. The Muslim clergy has also done a great disservice to Muslims by linking Urdu with Islam. Time and again the Muslim clergy has sought to equate the alleged declining status of Urdu as threat to the Islamic identity of Indian Muslims thus communalizing the whole issue.

The height of the politicization of Urdu and its linkage with the Muslims is such that the Indian National Congress President Sonia Gandhi wrote a letter in Urdu and sent it to as many as 15,000 Muslims in an attempt to reach out to the Muslim electorate during 2007 assembly polls in Uttar Pradesh making a strong plea to extend support “in her fight against forces of casteism and communalism”. Not only this, even arch enemy of the Muslim world the State of Israel assessing the importance of Indian Muslims launched its official website in Urdu in July 2008. While launching the Urdu website Israel’s Ambassador to India Mark Sofer said, "India is known for its moderate and forward-looking religion of beauty that is Islam. There is no reason why we should not address a large section of a strong community."

The so-called Muslim leadership doesn’t have any pragmatic and serious agenda for the betterment of the community. When elections are due to take place these so-called leaders resurface just like frogs out of the wells during rainy seasons. For these self-serving leaders instead of economic, social and educational uplift of Muslims, the important electoral issues are Urdu, Osama bin Laden and Babri Masjid. I remember during 2005 Bihar assembly polls a Osama bin Laden lookalike Mullah used to do rounds with Rashtriya Janata Dal leader Lalu Prasad Yadav during election meetings across the state. Later on, this Osama bin Laden lookalike Mullah switched sides with ease and used to accompany Lok Jan Shakti Party leader Ram Vilas Paswan during election meetings. We can simply assess the state of mind of Muslims and how these leaders and clerics play with their emotions.

The need of the hour is that Muslim masses should be awake from their slumber. The Muslim youth have a special role to play. It is the youth who is made the sacrificial goat – whether it be playing with their careers or turning them into suicide bombs and terrorists. It is the Muslim youth who is left to take the bullets during an encounter with the police, fake or otherwise. The so-called Muslim leaders only play with their emotions and meet their own selfish ends. It will be too late if the innocent Muslim masses continue to remain tools in their hands. The time has also come to take the Muslim clerics head on and put an end to their dangerous and evil designs of dividing the Indian Muslim society.

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The Problem With Indian Muslims – A Pakistani’s Viewpoint

“Why have Indian Muslims, most whom seem well-educated and demonstrate sound judgment on all other matters under the sun, suddenly lose sight of their bearings (and manners) when it comes to attacking all things Pakistani, be it the country’s politics, culture, food or fashion. Why are they hell-bent on defying common sense when it comes to writing off a whole country as being a terrorist hub?” This statement from a Dubai-based Pakistani writer Rabia Alavi whose half of extended family are Indians, is really shocking indeed. I don’t know how this shameless Pakistani woman gathered the gumption to dub We, Indian Muslims, as nonsensical and the ones who are ‘hell-bent on defying common sense when it comes to writing off a whole country as being a terrorist hub’. I just wonder why doesn’t this Pakistani writer – who is seemingly possessed with a squint and blinkered vision – see to it that it is Pakistan which is in fact proving to be no less than a terrorist hub when it comes to attacking all things Indian. My dear Ms. Rabia Alavi have you forgotten the 26/11 Mumbai attacks which claimed several Indian lives irrespective of the religions these martyrs belonged to. Which country did these ‘Islamic heroes’ nay ruthless inhuman killers belonged to? Can you deny that these ‘Jihadis’ did not belong to Pakistan? Your Pakistani government has itself publicly acknowledged that these goons hailed from Pakistan, whom it firstly tried to portray as non-state actors. Are YOU a MUSLIM or not? Are the rulers of Pakistan MUSLIMS or not? Does Islam ask to settle political scores by slaughtering human beings whether they are Muslims or non-Muslims? Is this what is JIHAD you Pakistanis call or think so? What kind of Islam are you Pakistanis propagating? You Pakistanis first of all need to get lessons regarding the true teachings of Islam. We, Indian Muslims, really don’t need to take lessons from you all. Your kind of Islam has miserably failed you all no ends, and Pakistan, which was formed in the name of Islam, is fast approaching to don the status of a failed state. Just cite me a single reason as to why We, Indian Muslims, shouldn’t acknowledge and proclaim Pakistan as a terrorist hub.


I simply look askance when Rabia Alavi daringly asks: “But why do Indian Muslims trouble themselves with Pakistan’s worries anyway? Don’t they have enough of their own? Need I remind them how uncomfortable their minority status is for them? Are they not second-class citizens in their own country? Are they not troubled by the countless assaults on the country’s minorities, the destruction of Babri Masjid or the slaughter of Muslims in Gujarat? Don’t they worry about the Modis and Sadhvi Pragyas of their country?” This is simply ridiculous. For your kind knowledge Ms. Rabia Alavi, We, Indian Muslims, don’t ever care about Pakistan or its worries. But, isn’t it a fact that Pakistan is constantly after us trying to create troubles whenever it’s possible. And, 26/11 Mumbai attacks is just another add on in its long list of crimes. Rabia would do well to at least acknowledge the fact that We, Indian Muslims, never sought help from Pakistan or any other country for that matter to take care of our problems. We, Indian Muslims, are ourselves strong and capable enough to tackle our own problems whenever need be. I don’t buy your theory that We, Indian Muslims, are second-class citizens in our own country. Let me state that We, Indian Muslims, are thankful to the Almighty Allah and our country’s system of governance that we exercise our democratic rights on our own free will without any sort of coercion or favour whatsoever. Whenever need be We, Indian Muslims, have changed governments at the Centre and in the states that failed to deliver either in terms of development or providing security to lives of people. Yes, I do acknowledge that communal riots did take place. But, these are now becoming things of the past. Rabia, but what about democracy in Pakistan. Just see how the Pakistani Generals trample your democratic rights at their own free will. It is pitiable that even after 60 years of independence you all are struggling to let democracy prevail in Pakistan in true sense of the term. Isn't it a sorry state of affairs for your beleaguered country? Don't you have your own problems? What about Jiye Sindh movement, Mohajirs and NWFP? Aren't these grave problems for Pakistan which it has squarely failed to handle? What about Pakistani Muslims who are being slaughtered daily by Talibani jihadists. Aren’t you seeing this? Don’t you have the courage to take these Talibani jihadis head on. I know you are meek and a coward. You won’t even dare to write or talk about the tribals in North West Frontier Province of your country Pakistan. If you ever dare to do so, well you know your fate? DEATH at the hands of NWFP Talibani jihadis! Ms. Rabia, I'm sorry to state that YOU are not a real Pakistani as you are writing sitting pretty well ensconced in secure confines in Dubai. And, just look at me. I'm writing my comments sitting in my own homeland. Just look how much guts you possess and what I possess. This is enough to prove that I'm not a second-class citizen, while I just feel sorry about your status at this critical juncture which your country is presently in.

Ms. Rabia Alavi, do you know that the foundations of the so-called Islamic Republic of Pakistan was laid by an aristocrat Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who wasn't concerned with Islam at all except being a namesake Muslim. By the way, don’t you know that fact that Your Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah profoundly enjoyed alcohol, never entered a prayer hall or Masjid except for his marriage with Zoroastrian Rutten Bai. Jinnah loved consuming pork flesh and extracted its soup. Don’t you know that consuming pork and alcohol are forbidden in Islam? And, You still revere this Pork eating and wine consuming Mohammad Ali Jinnah – Your GREAT Quaid-e-Azam!! Please don’t take my comments as otherwise. I suppose this is what you really asked for while initiating needless debate regarding actions of Indian Muslims vis-à-vis Pakistani Muslims.

Present below is the Opinion of Dubai-based Pakistani writer Rabia Alavi and my comments above. The writer charges that Indian Muslims are hell-bent on portraying Pakistan as a terrorist hub. However, the entire world is now witness for what really Pakistan stands for. This Opinion was published in the Khaleej Times on 1 March 2009. This Opinion is being published for the benefit of my readers.Danish Ahmad Khan


The Problem With Indian Muslims
By
Rabia Alavi

I try to steer away from the politics of India-Pakistan debates, partly for the reason that even though I am a Pakistani, half of my extended family is Indian, and they were part of the value system that taught me the rights and wrongs of life as I was growing up.

But I also refuse to indulge in these discussions where eventually you find yourself taking sides, because I cannot do away with a country that has much in common with mine – historical roots, cultural similarities and a language that is widely spoken and understood by the people of both countries, to name just a few.

Unfortunately, in the two years that I was watching my son grow out of diapers, a new generation of Indians has emerged — a generation that has forced me to take sides, albeit unwillingly. And while this generation has nothing to do with age, sadly, it does with creed. Yes, I direct my complaint towards Indian Muslims — a part of the Indian society that should be bound to Pakistan by ties of a common religion, to say the least.

Why have Indian Muslims, most whom seem well-educated and demonstrate sound judgment on all other matters under the sun, suddenly lose sight of their bearings (and manners) when it comes to attacking all things Pakistani, be it the country’s politics, culture, food or fashion. Why are they hell-bent on defying common sense when it comes to writing off a whole country as being a terrorist hub?

What used to be friendly bantering during India versus Pakistan cricket matches is not so friendly any more. What were merely funny punches about Lollywood’s efforts to imitate Bollywood are also beginning to hurt. These may be trivial examples, but the bottom line is, there seem to be serious efforts on the part of the Indian Muslims to hurt and incite Pakistanis into making emotional outbursts. They can then go about saying what an intolerant bunch those Pakistanis are.

Indian Muslims may rant and rave about what emotional fools Pakistanis are, or how they lack tolerance for other cultures or religions, while Indian Muslims get by quite amicably as a minority of 13.4 per cent (officially) in a country that is predominantly Hindu.

But let’s not forget that if it were not for Partition, this sweeping judgment would target them too. And while we are on the subject of tolerance, I must add that Indian Muslims can often not even bring themselves to be polite to their Pakistani counterparts. One has to wonder if this is just cold-shouldering of a people they dislike, or outright hatred that makes them not want to even look at their Pakistani counterparts.

Pakistanis might be more emotionally-charged when it comes to attacks on their country’s sovereignty and what not. But given the state of things in their country — a government that cannot prevent foreign attacks on its soil, a society that is practically illiterate and willing to believe just about anything that insurgents, liberals or the government want them to believe, and an economy on the verge of collapse – can you blame them?

Pakistanis don’t have answers to many of the questions that Indians, or anyone else, for that matter, ask of them. But don’t Indians know that already?

Why ask the Pakistanis, if not to hurt, and convince them that they are part of a failed nation. Even those Pakistanis who are resilient enough not to have given up on their country in these worrisome times are faced with constant reminders by their Indian brethren that they lack a future back in their country.

But why do Indian Muslims trouble themselves with Pakistan’s worries anyway? Don’t they have enough of their own? Need I remind them how uncomfortable their minority status is for them? Are they not second-class citizens in their own country? Are they not troubled by the countless assaults on the country’s minorities, the destruction of Babri Masjid or the slaughter of Muslims in Gujarat? Don’t they worry about the Modis and Sadhvi Pragyas of their country?

Understandably, actions committed in the name if all Indians are not actually condoned by any secular Indians, no matter what religion. In fact, they are a shame for those who see India’s secularism as a respect for all religions. But is India really that secular? This might not be the right piece to debate that question. But it certainly seems that the reason why Indian Muslims are on the constant lookout for one mistake that we Pakistanis make so they can pounce on us and cry ‘foul’ is that they are insecure. Not only does that put them on the defensive, to the extent of being paranoid, it also makes them shun a people who they could have been close to, had the circumstances been different.

And this is no thanks to the Indian media, which prides itself for being liberal and open-minded, oh, and supportive of the minorities.

Again, debating whether it is as all-embracing of the actions of minorities as it claims to be might be a question to be answered on another forum. I do wonder though why Indian Muslims have to be an extra bit smarter, a little bit more qualified, and a bit more Indian to ensure that their country is behind them at all times.

Let me not digress from my real concern in my hurry to find plausible explanations for the otherwise (excuse the word) spiteful attitude of many Indian Muslims towards their Pakistani counterparts. And that is a persistent worry that the bad side is winning in this battle of hearts.

And by that I mean those with vested interests, namely the people in power in both India and Pakistan who have always tried to drive a wedge between the people of the two countries.

When people like me, who grew up with such a fine mix of Indians and Pakistanis that I did not know the difference between the two, has to end up throwing her weight to a particular side, we are definitely losing. And it is up to us to decide if we want to give up on friends, family and relationships built over long periods of time only because they belong to the other side of the border.

[Rabia Alavi is a Dubai-based writer. Reach her at rabiaalavi@hotmail.com]

(Courtesy: Khaleej Times)

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Bihar politicians in Catch-22 situation over crucial Muslim votes in India Elections 2009

By Danish Ahmad Khan

India’s Election Commission has finally announced the dates for 2009 Lok Sabha elections. The parliamentary election this time round promises to throw up significant elements of surprises which is bound to change the very grammar of politics in the country. The elections come at a time when neighbouring countries have already undergone revolutionary changes. In Nepal, a popular revolt brought Maoists into power overthrowing the 250-year-old monarchy and subsequent loss of the status of world’s only Hindu kingdom. In Bangladesh, Awami League’s Sheikh Hasina Wajed came to power after securing landslide win in recent parliamentary elections.

The formation of Central Government largely depends on the number of seats political parties win in at least two key states – Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. In Bihar, Lok Sabha elections will be conducted in four phases spread over 40 constituencies. The notification for the first phase will be issued on March 23; last date of filing nomination papers will be March 30; scrutiny of nomination papers on March 31; last date for withdrawal of nomination papers will be April 2; and voting will take place on April 16. The first phase of polls will be conducted in constituencies namely Gopalganj, Siwan, Maharajganj, Saran, Ara, Buxar, Sasaram, Karakat, Jehanabad, Aurangabad, Gaya, Nawada and Jamui. The notification for the second phase will be issued on March 28; last date of filing nomination papers is April 4; scrutiny of nomination papers will be on April 6; last date of withdrawing nomination papers April 8; and voting will be held on April 23. The constituencies to go for voting in the second phase includes Valmikinagar, West Champaran, East Champaran, Sheohar, Sitamarhi, Madhubani, Jhanjharpur, Darbhanga, Muzaffarpur, Vaishali, Hajipur, Ujiyarpur and Samastipur. For the third phase, the notification will be issued on April 2; last date of filing nomination papers April 9; scrutiny of nomination papers will be done on April 11; last date of withdrawal of nominations April 13; and voting will take place on April 30. The constituencies going to polls for the third phase are Supaul, Araria, Kishanganj, Katihar, Purnia, Madhepura, Begusarai, Khagaria, Bhagalpur, Banka and Munger. The notification for the fourth and last phase in Bihar will be issued on April 11; last date of filing nomination papers on April 18; scrutiny of nomination papers April 20; last date of withdrawing nomination papers April 22; and voting will be held on May 7. The Lok Sabha constituencies of Nalanda, Patna Saheb and Pataliputra will go for voting in the fourth phase.

As the unfolding political developments currently indicate, the present Lok Sabha elections promise to be an interesting, unnerving hard-pitched battle never witnessed before in India’s electoral history. In fact, it will be sheerly not out of place if the 2009 Lok Sabha polls will be seen as reaching yet another milestone in the nation’s chequered parliamentary history. The State of Bihar with its 40 constituencies will play a decisive role to help put in place a viable government at the Centre. And undoubtedly, it is the nearly 17 percent Muslim votebank in the state that will make or mar the fortunes of political parties, which in turn will significantly play their own respective roles in forming the Central government.

Hard-pitched battle for Muslim votes
With the elections approaching nearer, Lalu Prasad Yadav-headed UPA (United Progressive Alliance) and Nitish Kumar-led NDA (National Democratic Alliance) are all set to put up an extremely strong fight on the political turf of Bihar. The UPA in Bihar consists of Lalu Prasad Yadav’s RJD (Rashtriya Janata Dal), Ram Vilas Paswan’s LJSP (Lok Jan Shakti Party) and Indian National Congress (INC). While, the NDA consists of Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar’s Janata Dal(United) and BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party).

There is virtually a mad scramble between the two political conglomerations to grab a large chunk of crucial Muslim votebank in order to call the shots at the Centre. However, as it seems now, Nitish Kumar’s party JD(U) and his alliance NDA is far ahead in the game of political oneupmanship insofar as wooing Muslim votes is concerned. Recently, the RJD received a jolt when the chairman of party’s minority cell Mohammed Nematullah resigned and joined the ruling JD(U). Earlier, Nitish Kumar also succeeded in getting two backward Muslim leaders – Ali Anwar of All-India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaj and Dr. Ejaz Ali of All India United Muslim Morcha – nominated as MPs in the Rajya Sabha. This has largely gone down well with a section of Muslim population in the state. Besides, in the past three years of his rule Nitish Kumar has aggressively tried to woo Muslims through several populist welfare schemes. His biggest achievement has so far been to keep communal riots at bay. This has obviously enthused the community instilling confidence and hopes in his government towards an even more safe and secure future.

Nitish Kumar govt’s minorities’ welfare schemes



The Nitish Kumar government has implemented several schemes for the welfare of the minorities. According to Bihar’s minority welfare secretary Afzal Amanullah, every minority student scoring above 60 percent gets Rs. 10,000. The scholarships have already been disbursed among the 2008 group. The government also ensures that minority students get bank loans for education without hassle. “The Bihar State Minorities Finance Corporation has been asked to be more generous in providing loans for income-generating projects. While the corporation disbursed only Rs. 160 million during the past 21 years, the government has earmarked some Rs. 200 million for the financial year that ends on March 31. We have already distributed more than Rs. 50 million to Muslim, Christian and Sikh youth. The government plans to increase the amount next year,” says Amanullah. Among other minority welfare schemes, the Nitish Kumar government contributes Rs. 3,000 to a fund for each minority girls under age 15, which she however gets only upon getting married after attaining the age of 18. This amount is provided under the ‘marriage insurance’ program of the government. Besides, the government offers Rs. 10,000 to each divorced or deserted minority woman.

However there are some other welfare measures particularly for Muslims which the Nitish Kumar government should have implemented, feel community members. Regarding madrasas, Bihar government is severely lagging behind its counterparts in sanctioning a good amount for their uplift. It may be noted that the Bihar government sanctioned only a meager Rs. 22 crore in comparison to states like West Bengal, Rajasthan, Delhi and Andhra Pradesh. West Bengal government sanctioned Rs. 350 crore, Rajasthan sanctioned Rs. 300 crore, Delhi allocated Rs. 250 crore, and Andhra Pradesh government sanctioned Rs. 175 crore. Presently there are over 4,000 madrassas in Bihar, including the seminaries where the salary of the staff is paid by the state government. There are 2,459 unaided madrassas and hundreds of others operating in different places in the state. Though Nitish Kumar government didn’t sanction an appreciable amount for the development of madrasas, it however decided to provide free bicycles to girls studying at madrasas. Under the Chief Minister’s Cycle Project, about 4,000 girls who are students of Fauqania (equivalent to Class 10) would be provided bicycles, particularly in rural areas. At present, the Fauqania course is available in 150 of the total 1,119 government-run madrasas in the state. According to the first ever status paper brought out by the Bihar Madrasa Education Board, there are only 32 madrassas for girls under the government-aided category and 576 madrassas in the unaided category. The salary of Madrasa Education Board teachers is currently not at par with those of government school teachers. There is a feeling among the community that the salary of madrasa teachers be also brought at par with government school teachers, which will in fact go a long way in ameliorating their pitiable condition.

In Bihar, there are altogether 11,000 graveyards at present. The Nitish Kumar government has approved the fencing of only 8,000 graveyards and sanctioned Rs. 22 crore towards this. Besides, the community also rues the fact that in the whole of Bihar there is only one Muslim Vice Chancellor and that too in a minority institution like Maulana Mazharul Haq Arabic University.

However, given the above facts at least one thing can be said that in comparison to Lalu Prasad Yadav and his wife Rabri Devi’s 15-year rule, Nitish Kumar in his 3-year rule has performed well and tried to keep all sections of the people happy, including Muslims. During Lalu Yadav’s rule, Muslims particularly on the educational front suffered the most. Even, Lalu Yadav or his wife never cared to implement significant welfare measures for the minorities except to benefit their own Yadav caste. This is surely not the case with Nitish Kumar government thus raising his performance graph among a large section of the electorate, particularly minorities.

Who stands to gain in Bihar LS polls 2009?
There are currently three main players who are going to sweat it out on Bihar’s political turf and the winner would hence emerge as key player in helping to form a viable government at the Centre. The three main players are Lalu Prasad Yadav, Ram Vilas Paswan and Nitish Kumar. Besides, there are two other players – Indian National Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party, who cannot be ignored. In 2004 LS polls Lalu Yadav’s RJD had 24 MPs, Ram Vilas Paswan’s LJSP 4 MPs and Sonia Gandhi’s INC had 3 MPs. RJD had then contested in 26 seats, LJSP 8, and INC in 4 seats. These three parties who are currently part of ruling UPA will be contesting LS polls jointly in Bihar this time as well, but are still to reach an understanding regarding seat sharing. Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) and BJP who are part of NDA will be jointly contesting the polls and have already arrived at an understanding. JD(U) is going to contest in 25 seats while its ally BJP will be contesting in 15 seats. Nitish Kumar-led NDA obviously has an upper hand insofar seat sharing is concerned, while UPA constituents in Bihar are still to iron out seat sharing differences.

It seems that Nitish Kumar is having an unassailable lead over his political rival UPA so far. This is because Nitish Kumar has successfully kept his ally BJP in check and never allowed it to propagate its Hindutva brand of politics in the state and vitiate the communal atmosphere. The minorities in the state are obviously happy and consider this as the biggest achievement of the chief minister. Moreover, another factor that significantly favours Nitish Kumar is that the BJP has no independent base at all in Bihar. The party with only 5 MPs has neither been able to advocate its Hindutva agenda or expand its base in the state at all. In the current elections too BJP would be mostly dependent on Nitish Kumar to help achieve success. BJP, on its part, however, is trying to raise Ram Mandir issue again in the elections but is bound to squarely fail on this front as the BJP on the national level is itself facing severe problems because of its NDA partners and infighting in the party itself. Another significant decision that may eventually turn the tide in favour of Nitish Kumar, particularly Muslims, is that the JD(U) has decided that BJP’s poll punch line ‘Advani for PM’ will not be included in its poll campaign. The party thinks that the NDA prime ministerial candidate L.K. Advani still doesn’t find favour with majority of the Muslim population in Bihar. However, as things stand now, Muslim population is not much opposed to Advani. Though mention of Narendra Modi’s name does attract extreme revulsion from Muslims. The current poll campaign in Bihar is therefore unlikely to see the presence of Narendra Modi in election meetings across the state. The JD(U) will try its best to highlight the achievements of the Nitish Kumar government – how effectively it has pursued various welfare schemes for the Muslims and the way in which it kept the saffron agenda of its partner BJP at bay during its three year rule. The JD(U) surely realizes the importance of Muslim votebank and the imperative need to effectively wean it away from its arch rivals RJD, LJSP and INC.

The major loser in the current LS polls in Bihar will be none else than Lalu Prasad Yadav’s RJD. There are several factors that appear to be going against him. First, Lalu Prasad Yadav as Railway Minister in the UPA government kept himself busy all along in self-projection – the person who brought about historic turnaround in the fortunes of the Indian Railways ever since India’s independence. He paid occasional visits to Bihar as Railways Minister but did little to keep into check his drifting votebank. His votebank MY (Muslim-Yadav) just proved to be a myth during 2005 Assembly polls with RJD’s poor showing resulting in the loss of power in the state. The 15-years of RJD rule could only guarantee security of life to Muslims by not letting communal riots happen. The main beneficiary was the Yadav caste which Lalu Prasad Yadav belongs to. Whenever need be, Lalu Prasad Yadav always tried to create a fear psychosis about the surge of the saffron brigade in order to garner Muslim votes. Much to the chagrin of Muslims in Bihar, the RJD government is also responsible for patronizing those charged of killing Muslims in the Bhagalpur communal riots. It was during the RJD regime that Kameshwar Yadav, an accused in the Bhagalpur riot case, was exonerated by the state police and instead given a certificate for maintaining communal harmony. The reason for his exoneration is apparent since Kameshwar Yadav belonged to the caste which Lalu Prasad himself belonged to. During the three years of his rule now Nitish Kumar has succeeded in making a dent in Lalu Prasad Yadav’s backward Hindu votebank by weaning away OBCs (Other Backward Classes) by providing them reservations. Besides, as is evident from 2005 Assembly elections, which brought Nitish Kumar into power, even a substantial section of Muslim votebank has also been weaned away from Lalu Prasad Yadav. In the given scenario, the current LS polls will therefore prove to be a major headache for Lalu Prasad Yadav in how to regain his lost clout and the traditional votebank which has already drifted too far.



The Dalit leader Ram Vilas Paswan is another key player who cannot be ruled out. He is trying his hard to emerge on the national scene in a big way. But his ambitions are difficult to be realized now with the presence of another great Dalit icon Mayawati, the Uttar Pradesh chief minister. Ram Vilas Paswan’s votebank too comprises of BCs (Backward Class), OBCs, MBCs (Most Backward Class) and a section of Muslims. In the current elections, it is likely that Paswan will succeed in retaining LJSP’s 4 seats if not gaining more. With his focus on national politics, Paswan has done little to expand and consolidate his party’s base. But, if Paswan pays more attention to state politics then it is likely that Lalu’s loss may very well become his party’s gain. Insofar as Indian National Congress is concerned, ever since its debacle in the aftermath of Bhagalpur riots and later the demolition of Babri Masjid in 1992 the INC has lost its traditional Muslim votebank. So far, Muslims have also failed to embrace the INC wholeheartedly. However, a section of Muslim votebank has begun to return to the Congress fold but more needs to be done if the INC wishes to reclaim its traditional votebank. As it is now, the INC stands a chance to keep its 3 seats intact but will be unable to increase its tally in the given circumstances. Congress Party president Sonia Gandhi herself is not too keen on engaging with her UPA ally Lalu Prasad Yadav. She also prefers to visit Bihar less, and her last visit being in 2003.

The 2009 LS polls will be historic indeed and will change the course of India’s politics insofar as coalition politics is concerned. This will be for the first time ever that a severe challenge is being posed to both the centrist mainstream parties – Indian National Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party. This time smaller regional parties are expected to put up good showing in their respective states and will be eventually calling the shots in forming a coalition government at the Centre. However, much depends on the crucial Muslim votebank particularly in the two key states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. It is these two states that after all play a key role in helping form a government at the Centre, and therefore the sizeable Muslim votes in these two states proves to be a decisive factor.

This is for the first time ever that the political parties are finding it tough to campaign devoid of any major poll issue at hand. As it is, the present elections are being held amidst ongoing global recession, which is likely to stay for a couple of years more. The parties therefore are finding it difficult now to raise the pet issue of inflation, as it will have few takers since everybody knows what the real problems are. For BJP, the issues of Ram Mandir, Article 370 in J&K, and Hindutva have already been placed on the backburner. These issues are not cutting any ice with the gullible electorate any more. Even, for Muslims the issue of communalism no longer remains a threat. What matters most now are the issues of development and security to life. In the past elections, it has been witnessed that Muslims have come out of the emotive phase and have begun shunning emotional rhetoric. They are now resorting to tactical voting which, admittedly, is politically beneficial for the community as such. Muslims have surely come of age now fully realizing their potential. They need to be more assertive and prove themselves to be hard bargainers if they want to ameliorate their educational and economic condition further.

The current elections will see development and terrorism threat emerging as the key issues. The goings will certainly be tough for the political parties as the future portends now.

Please see:
http://www.indianmuslimnews.blogspot.com
http://www.indianmuslimsrediscovered.wordpress.com

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Need for a political platform for Muslims – Do We really need this anyways?






[An ongoing debate has always been raging in the Indian Muslim community about the pertinent need for a political platform that would address issues and help extract benefits from political quarters. But the said credible platform has never been able to take shape ever since independence due to lack of genuine leaders or those who are able to emerge on the horizon fail or turn into psychophants of the powers-that-be to serve their own vested interests. This posting presents an interesting debate on this issue. Readers are welcome to send their comments.]

[Pictures: (1.) Muslim leaders with Israeli President Simon Peres; (2.) Victim of Gujarat riots 2002; (3.) Badruddin Ajmal, Jamiatul Ulama-e Hind leader, canvassing for UDF in Assam assembly polls; (4.) & (5.) Cartoons.]

THE DEBATE on the need for a political platform for Muslims in India has always attracted a huge response from the community members. Majority of Muslims in the country still believe that there is a need for a credible and viable political platform for the community as such. But has this been able to take shape even after 60 years of independence? Several Muslims leaders like Shahi Imam of Delhi Jama Masjid Syed Abdullah Bukhari, his son and the present Imam Syed Ahmad Bukhari, Syed Shahabuddin, Maulana Asad Madani, Maulana Mahmood Madani etc. emerged on the scene to guide the community on several occasions. But were they able to or did they ever succeed in doing so? Did the community genuinely accept their leadership after all? What did Indian Muslims gain politically even after supporting these leaders for long?

These are the several questions that usually crop up in the minds of common Muslims. For instance, who doesn’t know the political profile of religious prayer leaders Abdullah and Ahmad Bukhari. It is well known that Syed Abdullah Bukhari called the shots in the Congress Party and always gave clarion call to support Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi during elections from the pulpit of Jama Masjid during Friday prayers. Later after getting bored with Indira Gandhi, both father and son supported Kanshi Ram and Mayawati of Bahujan Samaj Party. The present Imam Syed Ahmad Bukhari formed a political platform for Muslims called ‘Adam Sena’. Ahmad Bukhari hobnobbed with the Congress rebel and the then Prime Minister V. P. Singh for quite a while. Later on, Ahmad Bukhari asked Muslims to defeat the Congress Party and support the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) instead in the elections. Maulana Asad Madani, President of Jamiatul Ulama-e Hind always supported the Congress Party and was rewarded with a Rajya Sabha seat. He remained an MP for long. The present Jamiatul Ulama-e Hind leader Maulana Mahmood Madani is currently hobnobbing with the Congress Party and pitching for a seat in Parliament with Congress Party’s support like his deceased father Maulana Asad Madani. Earlier, Maulana Mahmood Madani had joined Samajwadi Party only in the hope that he would become a Rajya Sabha member with party’s support. But, Samajwadi Party never rewarded him with Rajya Sabha seat. Syed Shahabuddin, who resigned from Indian Foreign Service and was brought into politics by the BJP leader and ex-PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee, spearheaded the Shah Bano movement and at one time asked Muslims to boycott the national anthem on a Republic Day. He became a Member of Parliament after winning Lok Sabha elections from Kishanganj. Now he is with the Congress Party, but has retired into oblivion as the Congress Party has still not rewarded him with the Rajya Sabha seat nor has he been able to win any Lok Sabha seat.

Despite such stark truths about the Indian Muslim leadership and of the hapless Indian Muslims themselves, some responsible members of the community still feel the need for a political platform for Muslims in the state of Uttar Pradesh [thankfully, not for the entire nation].


Present here is the debate on the need for a political platform for Muslims in UP. The debate was initiated by M.J.Khan, Convenor of National Economic Forum for Muslims. J.S. Bandukwala from Baroda (Gujarat) and Danish Ahmad Khan gave their forthright opinions in their responses. -- Danish Ahmad Khan

New Political Platform in UP (India)


Dear All

I am writing this mail to all the members of AMU networks and also the members of various social - political organisations for their information, comments and considered opinions, advice and subsequently a support for what I see a long felt need of a political plate-form for weaker communities, and in particular muslims in Uttar Pradesh. It is possible that this mail reaches to many persons, who may not be belonging to minority or weaker sections or have any concern with Uttar Pradesh.

I may therefore like to mention for little more clarity for such people that Uttar Pradesh is the largest of the 29 States in India, with an estimated population of 180 million with share of Muslims at 19% and that of most backward communities (MBCs) 15%. If UP was a country today, it would be 6th largest country in the world, and therefore it holds enormous importance for muslims who are approx. 20% of the State population, but their share in jobs and institutions of higher learnings is less than 3% today. According to recent NSSO figures and Sachchar Committee findings, they have slipped below even schedule castes in education. According to our analysis, if 1,000 educational institutions of 1,000 capacity each are created for Muslims, it will take 32 years for them to catch up the national average.

The question of social opportunity and public policy needs to be answered keeping in view the poor economic development of the community. Lack of basic education, social vulnerability and policy discrimination has in totality contributed in keeping the community backward. The political prejudices and the exploitation of the community by various political parties "as the vote bank and nothing more attitude", particularly by the so-called secular parties, have caused much loss to Muslims. Only by unlocking the gates of access and equity in educational and economic spheres through political empowerment can the dreams of equality and mainstreaming of the community be materialized.

Announcements by political parties for Muslims are often made, keeping the coming elections in mind. They are completely forgotten, as soon as elections are over. Any possibility for betterment of Muslims in India in shorter run is possible only by their political empowerment. And for that to happen, they will have to win for themselves and shun the negative voting pattern.

Over the last two years, there have been wide scale consultations for creating a political platform in Uttar Pradesh, where many people feel that electorates are left with the choice of lesser evil every time, who have no development agenda. The new political entity shall have a clear agenda of:
1. Providing an honest and transparent government
2. A government free from corruption, castiesm and criminal elements
3. Justice and development with fair share of all communities without any prejudice
4. Educational, social and economic empowerment of minorities and other weaker sections

In the context of UP, while political initiatives in the last two decades brought social and political empowerment for some down-trodden communities, Muslims never benefitted in any form. The two successful experiments in the name of SP and BSP in UP are being widely seen as full of corruption, castiesm and criminal elements. While Muslims voted for them overwhelmingly, but they have been treated only as vote bank and a subject of mere political exploitation by them.

Muslims have been riding piggy of one party or the other and to be used and thrown every time. While communal parties have always talked bitter and barked on Muslims, the secular parties while speaking sweet, did the job of actual biting. The worst for Muslims is to continue trusting the vote traders in the name of secular parties, better is to strategically tie up with different political parties, election to election, and the best option is if they can initiate politically for themselves.

But starting own political outfit will require hard work, patience, little sacrifice and 'not for sale' attitude. Of late I have closely watched quite a few political and some socio-political initiatives by muslims and all of them met the well known fate. They got visibility, got price and got sold out. A sincere effort will now take little more time than what it would otherwise have taken.

While Muslims have been pushed to periphery in the vortex of democratic process, reservation system, educational policies and various socio-political dynamics in the last 61 years, the most backward castes (MBCs) among the majority community have also not benefitted. Therefore there is a scope for a broad Muslims led social coalition to be formed with a clear political agenda of fair and just rule and empowerment of minorities and MBCs. On purely political space, a natural alliance of Muslims with Rajputs in UP is immediate possibility. They can provide class and Muslims can bring the mass. The combination can work wonderfully well with Muslims 20%, Rajputs 7% and MBCs 15%.

There have been several meetings and consultations with many Rajput and MBC leaders and luminaries in the last six months, and the response is too good. A greater level of enthusiasm among MBC and Rajput leaders is seen for this political coalition than that among Muslims. They have possibly been let down time and again and are well within their logical thinking if they may view one more initiative with some degree of suspicion.

But, the need for such initiative is clearly felt and the possibilities of success seem to be strong. And I think, if there is clarity of purpose, consistency of efforts, inclusive approach and a clear "not for sale" tag, then it can succeed. Wide ranging consultations are being held on this matter, both in Delhi and at Lucknow, and movement forward seems a definite possibility. The intellectuals in muslims and other sections of society can make meaningful contribution to this move by their valuable suggestions and support.

We shall look forward to your kind comments and cooperation.

With regards
MJ Khan
Director & CEO, Concept Agrotech Consultants Limited
Convenor, National Economic Forum for Muslims
New Delhi - 110001
[Sent by NEFM nefm06@gmail.com]

[Response by J.S.Bandukwala]

Dear Khan Sahab,

I read through your piece carefully. I share your deep concern for the plight of our miserable community. In the context of UP, one is tempted to follow the path taken by the Yadavs and by the Dalits.

As I am from Gujarat and have been among the victims of 2002, my reading is different. Political process in India is substantially corrupt. Muslims who succeed are either corrupt or our totally alienated from the community, as they play an ' Uncle Tom ' role.

In the aftermath of Babri, a number of Muslim intellectuals came out to challenge the existing order in Muslim society. Sorrowfully, they withdrew as fast as they entered. Today the possibility of a Kanshi Ram emerging among Muslims is remote. But fortunately there is a distinct shift towards quality education and business. We must see that each and every Muslim boy and girl reaches graduation stage, and preferably in subjects like medicine, engineering, management, etc. We must see our women are granted the rights so enshrined in the Holy Koran. We must turn towards business and industry in a big way.I am convinced we Muslims must just stay away from politics, except that we must vote most religiously. Our effort must be on a total socio economic transformation of our community, within the parameters of Islam. Fortunately the democratic set up in India, allows us enough elbow room to do the same. This is not possible in Pakistan or most Muslim countries.

I will welcome your response.

Regards,
J.S.Bandukwala,
Baroda,
Gujarat
[Sent by drbandukwala@yahoo.co.in]

[Reply by M. J. Khan]

Dear Dr. Bandukwala

The nation is going fast towards privatisation, and hence the importance of quality education. No reservation system in jobs or more representation in politics will help community. What you said is absolutely required. Empowerment through education holds key in the emerging socio-economic order. If they are well educated, they will carve their place in the society, whether job or own work.

But, private education is a costly education and given the economic status of most Muslims, affording the quality private education will get out of reach. My fear is that Muslims will get further marginalized in the emerging socio-economic order due to privatisation and the prevailing reservation system. Again, Muslims traditionally worked in semi-skilled jobs, but with the changes in technologies, they will ahve no choice, but to go for skills training and certification, and without which they will again get pushed to periphery.

The fact that this community is so backward, educationally and economically, there is every justification for some instrument of support, in terms of reservation in education, or through a substantial economic package to be given to them to help them bring at par with the rest of the nation, so that they could also play equally vibrant roles in the society.

But, in democracy logics do not help. What helps is political voice and holding hostage. Gujjars deserve ST quota, no one will agree. Jats and Yadavs in backward reservation, no one can agree. But, they had political voice and got, what they did not even deserved. And muslims, as a most backward social block in Indian society, have repeatedly been denied any support. Not only this, there is also a communal quota in SC/ST reservation introduced under Article 341 (2), imposed by the infamous Presidential Order 1950 by secular Nehru, where every religion, except Muslims and Christens get reservation.

I believe, we will have to have our say in political affairs of the country. There are Muslim leaders in different parties, but there is no leadership with us. These leaders have no say, even if they feel for the community, cannot do anything. And we have no say in decision making of the country. Today, in a cabinet of 44 (33 cabinet and 11 MOS - IC) there are only 2 Muslim Ministers and that too with poorest possible portfolios. In my meetings with Sonia Gandhi, I have been pointing out how Muslims are being sidelined in every sphere, including even political. Out of 10 President Quota seats in Rajya Sabha, not a single Muslim nominated?

We go on and the agonies are countless. In democracy, without political power, no voice is heard. In Indian states, where Muslims are 20% plus, there is no reason why they should not take other equally suffering MBCs and move politically. This is difficult route, but, if community has to be empowered in shorter run, then there is no choice. Riding piggy of different secular parties from time to time has yielded no results. In fact I have known most of them, little too closely. For them, we are only the vote bank.

The poor and pathetic situation of Muslims that I see around and the NSSO and Sacchar Committee findings authenticate, need exceptional steps for any significant change. I have made many presentations and held discussions at Planning Commission and at PMO, but in democracy only pressure, lobbying and political weight matters, not logics and rationality.

I am marking this copy to other friends, who have send responses. I am thankful for your kind response.

With regards
MJ Khan
[Sent by NEFM nefm06@gmail.com]

[Response by Danish Ahmad Khan]

Dear Mr. M.J. Khan,

I read with deep interest and share your concerns regarding the need of a political platform for Muslims of Uttar Pradesh. But, Sir, do only UP Muslims deserve this. What about your underprivileged, downtrodden brethren in rest of India? I’m from Gaya (Bihar), where Muslims too are struggling for an honorable existence. However, let me tell you we, Bihari Muslims, never felt the need for a political platform of our own. This is because everybody knows the fate of so-called Muslim leadership, which becomes saleable and ultimately loses its voice in the end. With such a leadership at the helm the community is naturally left to fend for itself and rue its own fate. Sir, I can give you several examples from my state itself where a handful of Muslims took the lead in forming a political entity of their own, but the dream fortunately ended in the already-expected whimper. I refer to your quote: “On purely political space, a natural alliance of Muslims with Rajputs in UP is immediate possibility.” Truly, this idea may sound music to your ears given the bitter experiences that UP Muslims had from two significant political parties – Samajwadi Party & Bahujan Samaj Party. However, let me cite an example how Muslims in my district Gaya were ditched by Rajputs [whom you are referring to as a natural choice for proposed alliance]. You might be aware that Naxalites are ruling the roost in Gaya and other districts of Bihar. To fight the Naxals, Muslims of Imamganj & Dumaria [Blocks in Gaya] joined hands with Rajputs and formed ‘Sunlight Sena’. Rajputs led the Sena with Muslims being a major support base. But when it came to take the Naxals head on, Muslims were pushed at the forefront and Rajputs were nowhere on the scene. The result was that several Muslims were killed and are still being killed, and they had to flee to the district headquarters and elsewhere. This is what happened because of the natural alliance in my place. I’m therefore simply at a loss as to how much UP Muslims are going to be benefitted if such a natural alliance ever comes into place.

In my considered opinion at present Indian Muslims neither require reservations nor a political party of their own. Everybody knows the fate of Syed Shahabuddin [of Babri Masjid fame] and his ‘Insaf Party’. Today, Muslims are in urgent need of quality education – both on the technical and professional front. I completely agree with what Dr. J.S.Bandukwala says. Historically, Muslims have had their say during Mughal era. They lost to the Britishers because of their leaders’ follies. Again, after fighting for India’s independence Muslims were relegated behind because of their leader M.A. Jinnah and Muslim League’s follies. This was naturally not because of Rajputs or other castes, but solely by Muslims themselves. Still after 60 years of independence, Muslims have still not learnt to co-exist. It is about time that Muslims need to change their mindset and act holistically. It becomes the duty of intellectuals and social engineers to chalk out plans on how to empower the community in a way that they themselves become a force to reckon with on the political front under the guidance of you all.

The community must take lessons from Grameen Bank founder Mohammed Yunus, who brought about a radical change in impoverished Bangladesh. It is only now that Mohammed Yunus has decided to take a plunge into politics to bring about further change through political means. We, Indian Muslims, are sadly lacking stalwarts a la Mohammed Yunus.

Isn’t it true that we, Indian Muslims, hold immense power that political changes are brought about on the national and state level whenever need be? In Bihar, we Muslims did this by throwing out Lalu Prasad Yadav. The current leadership in the state under the stewardship of CM Nitish Kumar is doing an excellent job and keeping everybody happy with its performance. I think it would indeed be a great service from you all if the community is left to decide for themselves whom to elect or not as per their needs and at their own level.

I’ve an agenda that would not only empower but also radically transform Muslims for India’s well being.

(i.) Muslims need to come out of the ‘Madarsah’ mindset. Are we ready to control proliferation of ‘Madrasahs’ ourselves? Are we ready to make ‘Madrasahs’ into meaningful schools that would provide quality education along with Deeni Taleem to the rich and poor alike? I personally know how these ‘Madrasahs’ function and what radical changes are required to better the lot of those gaining education here.

(ii.) Are we ready to centralize ‘Fitra’ and ‘Zakat’ collections during Ramadhan at Mohalla & village levels? The present system of collection is completely disorganized and gives immense scope for corruption. Only seldom in the community know where these donations are being given and who are being benefitted. Rest of the collections is going down the drain. With a centralized collection, the community is going to be immensely benefitted. Small-scale industries might be established in every village with centralized collections.

(iii.) In my opinion Darul Qazas/Darul Iftas/Imarat-e-Shariah are useless and should be done away with. Their opinion to the community from time-to-time has only bred confusion amongst the Muslim masses. Sometimes their opinions have also become laughing stock in the national media. Those giving ‘Fatwas’ more often are not able to defend themselves. Their actions are only dividing the community.

These are some of the important things I’ve raised, which needs immediate proactive action from the community. I’m myself proactive and working to better the lot of the community in my own way [Please seethe following links: http://www.islamicvoice.com/february.2004/initiative.htm (This is about the institution founded by my grandfather and my association with it); http://www.hinduonnet.com/2003/08/10/stories/2003081000211500.htm (This is regarding my Interview given to ‘The Hindu’ while I was working with a community journal.)]

I warmly welcome your responses.

Danish Ahmad Khan
Sr. Content Writer-cum-Head – Content2Mobile operations
IANS [Indo-Asian News Service (Formerly India Abroad News Service)]
www.ians.in
New Delhi – 110022
Mobile: +91 – 9990179721/9868005605










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